May 05, 2008

Mothers Betrayed

by Susan Rosenthal

It's the week before Mothers’ Day, and an exhausted young woman tells me that she must be a bad mother because she feels such despair. I assure her that she is not to blame. She has been betrayed. Capitalism celebrates mothers in theory and deprives them in practice.

Across the globe, malnutrition and lack of medical care cause more than three million babies to die at birth every year. Every year, more than half a million women die in pregnancy or childbirth, and millions more are crippled.

Poverty and inequality cause most maternal deaths. In 2000, the number of maternal deaths per 100,000 women was 2 in Sweden, 17 in the United States, 330 in Asia, and 920 in Sub-Saharan Africa. If any nation can lower the maternal death rate to 2 per 100,000 women, then that should be the standard everywhere. 

In the United States, mothers get little or no support. The arrival of a child turns life upside down. Frequent night feedings exhaust parents who are expected to work the next day. Despite talk about "family values," Americans are not entitled to paid parental leave.

Financial uncertainty adds to physical and emotional stress. Family expenses rise at the same time that the mother’s pay check is reduced or discontinued. How long can a new mom afford to stay off work? Will she lose her job? Will she find another one? Will there be affordable childcare? Americans are not entitled to childcare support.

Society demands that mothers manage without support. When they cannot cope, they are presumed to be inadequate. Postpartum depression and psychosis are under-recognized and under-treated because women feel too ashamed to seek help.

More women are hospitalized for psychiatric problems around the time of childbirth than at any other time in their lives.

About 85 percent of new mothers experience "baby blues," the fatigue, sadness and irritability that commonly follow childbirth or adoption. From 10 to 17 percent of new moms suffer clinical depression due to changing hormones, sleep deprivation, social isolation, financial stress, a difficult or traumatic birth, difficulties breast feeding, low social support, financial problems, inadequate housing and relationship problems.

Approximately one in 800 new mothers develops full-blown psychosis. In Texas, Andrea Yates suffered from hallucinations that compelled her to murder her five children. In Toronto, a family doctor jumped in front of a train, killing herself and her infant son.

Every child is a gift to humanity. Yet, lack of support makes the child-raising years the most stressful for men and women. Parents of both sexes report more depression than non-parents. This is the heartless reality behind celebrations of Mother’s Day.

Talk is cheap. Parents and children have a right to real social support. Cards and flowers are not enough. 

For more on this subject read POWER and Powerlessness, Chapter 7, "Burden the Family." Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com 

April 27, 2008

Whatever Happened to Class Solidarity?

by Susan Rosenthal

The volume of words flying between supporters of CNA and SEIU would sink a ship. What have we learned?

First, both unions have legitimate grievances. The line of right and wrong does not divide neatly between the two sides.

Second, the issues being debated are critical and must be resolved if workers are to build strong unions.

Third, the vital matter of union democracy cannot be resolved in a battle between CNA and SEIU. The resulting polarization has undermined democratic forces in both unions who are accused of being "on the other side."

What to do?

Over the past 60 years, the American labor movement has not only lost ground economically, it has forgotten the principles of class solidarity that made it strong. These are:

Union members must control their organizations. That means no union or union leader should be supported uncritically.

Class is more important than where you work, what job you do or what union you’re in.

Defending workers’ rights requires the broadest possible class unity.

To resolve the issues and move forward, we must re-frame this debate in class terms that will benefit workers in all unions (see my previous post).

April 20, 2008

War in the House of Labor

by Susan Rosenthal

The American medical system ruins people’s lives for profit. Fortunately, union organizing drives in the medical industry are enjoying a higher-than-average rate of success. Unfortunately, two major health workers’ unions, the California Nurses Association (CNA) and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), are at war – a term used by both sides. CNA accuses SEIU of making deals with management that hurt workers, and SEIU accuses CNA of sabotaging its union drives.

This is a real battle. The CNA website posts a sign on its home page, "Had it with SEIU? Work for a REAL union." To protest the CNA, hundreds of SEIU members physically stormed the Labor Notes conference in Detroit on April 12.

Cynics view this war as reason to dismiss all unions. That’s a huge mistake. Workers need unions to counter the relentless greed of business. Employers, politicians and the mainstream media consistently attack unions because even the worst ones block bosses from having complete control of the workplace.

Statistics show that unionized workers are more likely to have medical coverage, pension benefits and protection from sexual harassment and wrongful dismissal. Areas with more unions enjoy higher wages, longer life spans, lower infant death rates, better education and less poverty.

The Issues

American unions were so powerful in the 1930s that employers needed Washington’s help to crush them. Today, after decades of union busting, fewer than eight percent of private-sector workers are in unions, the lowest rate in over a century. Moreover, the remaining unions have been transformed from fighting organizations controlled by workers to bureaucratic organizations dominated by middle-class professionals. For most Americans, the result has been a steady decline in working and living standards.

The battle between SEIU and CNA arose in the context of renewed efforts to defend workers’ rights and centers on three disputes over how to organize:

Should medical facilities be organized wall-to-wall (SEIU includes all health workers) or by trade (nurses in one union and support staff in another)? Wall-to-wall or industrial unions have more power to fight management than craft-based unions. However, in practice, workers organize as best they can in the particular circumstances they face.

Another concern is whether management should be involved in the process of union certification. Labor-management collaboration is generally opposed because it favors management. However, every union contract is a form of labor-management collaboration. SEIU and CNA differ in where to draw the line between acceptable and unacceptable degrees of collaboration.

The third issue is the extent to which unions should be controlled from the top-down or the bottom-up. A rank-and-file rebellion inside SEIU, United Health Workers-West (UHW) is pushing for more democracy through one-member-one-vote. CNA is using this split to press its case that SEIU is a business union that doesn’t represent workers’ interests. However, UHW also condemns CNA for its top-down sabotage of SEIU union drives.

Instead of debating these issues in a way that would benefit all workers, the leaders of SEIU and CNA are conducting a divisive turf war that is harming the entire labor movement.

Taking Sides

In any conflict, there is pressure to take sides. Supporters of CNA insist that it is a more progressive and democratic union than SEIU. The leaders of CNA talk left and have taken a public role in fighting for national medicare. However, in Ohio and on other occasions, CNA leaders have gone over the heads of SEIU rank-and-file workers to dictate what should happen in a particular workplace. That’s not democratic.

Those who favor SEIU point to its proud history of organizing immigrant workers (Janitors for Justice) and supporting social reforms. However, top leaders in SEIU have also functioned undemocratically. The split inside SEIU was provoked when head office moved to silence debate within the union.

Recent labor coverage has favored CNA, especially after busloads of SEIU members stormed the recent Labor Notes conference. A good example is Steve Early’s article in Counterpunch (http://www.counterpunch.org/early04152008.html ). Early begins by calling SEIU protestors a "rowdy, punch-throwing, rent-a-mob."

I was inside (and later outside) the Labor Notes banquet hall when SEIU members tried to break through the doors. Such tactics must be condemned. However, this was no "rent-a-mob." Most were ordinary union members, including families with small children, most looking poor and many of them Black. I am certain they boarded those buses to defend their union. If they knew they were going to be in a fight, they would have left the kids at home. One SEIU member died of a heart attack, and another union militant suffered a head wound.

This tragedy was created by the leaders of both unions, who are pitting their members against one another.

I attended several meetings at Labor Notes, where activists from SEIU and CNA expressed their grievances against each other’s unions. I concluded that both sides have legitimate concerns. At the end of his article, Early acknowledges the same, by favorably quoting a member of UHW,

Many participants, who can fairly be described as members of the labor left and generally suspicious of top union leaders, were actually very sympathetic to the SEIU’s grievance against CNA surrounding the events in Ohio.

Sadly, Early concludes by returning to his condemnation of SEIU as the moral loser of the latest round in a continuing battle. However, he never mentions why the Labor Notes conference was attacked.

Labor Notes invited the President of CNA to be the keynote speaker at its conference banquet. By promoting CNA, Labor Notes invited the rage of SEIU.

To preserve good relations with both unions, Labor Notes should have invited representatives from both unions to speak and encouraged organized debate on the issues that divide them. Instead, Labor Notes made the same mistake that most of the left is making – taking the liberal position of choosing between right and left bureaucrats.

In any union, leaders should be supported ONLY so far as they represent the interests of the rank-and-file. By this measure, the leaders of SEIU and CNA both fail because their ongoing battle has crippled organizing efforts at several sites, to the benefit of management.

Moreover, the polarization created by this conflict has undermined democratic forces in both unions who are accused of being "on the other side."

The only real alternative is to stand up for rank and file unity, for class solidarity.

Class-Divided Unions

Today's labor unions are cross-class organizations, being both working-class organizations of self-defense and part of the management system of capitalism. Most union members are working-class (the rank and file), while most union officials are salaried professionals who negotiate with employers to set the terms of exploitation. Turf wars for union recognition arise from this class conflict.

Because most unions are run like businesses, from the top down, more members means more money and more power for union bureaucrats. They want this power to gain more leverage at the negotiating table. That’s why leaders of different unions compete to represent a workplace or group of workers instead of pooling resources and cooperating. Inter-union rivalry is usually justified by claims that one union is better at representing workers than the other. However, divisions between unions only weaken the ability of all workers to stand up to management.

Over the past few decades, rank-and-file workers in different industries have pushed for more militant and democratic unions controlled by members, from the bottom up. Such worker self-organization is opposed by bureaucrats because their power to negotiate with management rests on their ability to control the ranks.

Struggles for rank-and-file control of unions offer a different kind of power, one that rests on the ability of workers to stop production. Because all workers have similar concerns, worker-controlled organizations have the potential to unite workers across divisions of union, workplace and industry and do what bureaucrats have never been able to achieve: build a labor movement strong enough to reverse decades of defeats and concessions.

Rank-and-File Unity

During the Labor Notes conference, as accusations flew between CNA and SEIU, Patricia Campbell of the Independent Workers Union of Ireland (IWE) stated. "You must stop fighting among each other and unite. You need to kick out the bureaucrats in both your unions. That's the only way you can advance your struggle for patients’ and workers’ rights."

She is right. In each workplace, rank-and-file workers must decide how they organize: whether in wall-to-wall groupings or by trade; and the extent to which they collaborate with management and with other unions. Free and full debate must be encouraged, with votes binding on all. Such self-organization is critical to build workers’ confidence and create unions powerful enough to win real gains.

Of course, people make mistakes in any process. That is no reason to deny them the right to decide what happens at work and in their lives.

Right or wrong, and regardless of their intentions, no union official has the right to IMPOSE policy on rank-and-file workers without their consent. This is just as true for CNA as it is for SEIU. To move forward, workers in SEIU and CNA must build on-the-ground unity, based on common class concerns.

For a more detailed class analysis of unions, see POWER and Powerlessness, Chapter 13. "Decide Which Side You're On." Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com

February 09, 2008

Taking a Break

I’m taking a break from this blog to work on a major project, "Class, Health and Health Care."

I invite you to browse the archives by date or by topic. You can also find my articles on various internet sites including:

CounterPunch www.counterpunch.org

Dissident Voice www.dissidentvoice.org

The Greanville Journal www.bestcyrano.org/cyrano/

ColdType http://www.coldtype.net

Z-Net www.zmag.org

If you plan to attend the Labor Notes conference in Detroit (April 11-13) come by and say hello. Between sessions, you will find me at the information table for INTERNATIONAL HEALTH WORKERS FOR PEOPLE OVER PROFIT

Watch for a major reorganizing of this blog and my website (www.powerandpowerlessness.com) which will make it much easier to navigate.

Thanks for visiting!

December 25, 2007

Hope for the New Year: The Past Does Not Predict the Future

by Susan Rosenthal

All stock promotions include this caution, "Past performance is no indication of future performance." Today’s hot stocks can be worthless tomorrow, because no one can predict the future. Neither the stock market nor the weather can be predicted with certainty, and none of us can know for sure where we will be next year.

The only constant in life is change. I grew up during the 1960s, a time of great social change. Blacks, women and gays were marching for their rights. Workers were winning higher wages and benefits. America was being defeated in Vietnam. Yugoslavia was intact. Germany was divided. And computers were found only in science labs.

Just a few decades later, the world has changed dramatically, and so have people’s expectations. My parents expected me to have a better life than they had. I do not expect my children to do as well as I have done. I entered adulthood with great hope for the future. My grandchildren wonder if the world will last long enough for them to have children.

Given so much change over such a short period, I am amazed when people insist that change is not possible, that the past does predict the future, for individuals and for society.

Consider these common statements: You can’t change human nature. Once a criminal, always a criminal. We tried socialism/communism, and it didn’t work. You’ll never get people to cooperate, demonstrate, rebel, etc.

Such pessimism serves as a self-fulfilling prophecy that blocks change. When we expect nothing to change, then we do nothing to create change.

Only the ruling elite benefit from this massive failure of the imagination. They can stay in power as long as they convince the rest of us that capitalism is the only possible social system, so that it is futile, even reckless, to want anything else.

Like all ruling classes that came before it, the capitalist class wants to rule forever. The only change they want is more capitalism. They organize society as if there were no past, no future and no consequences. Only today matters — today’s sale, today’s profit. We all know the consequences: environmental devastation, epidemics of preventable disease, endless wars of acquisition, and a juggernaut of greed that tramples human lives across the globe. Their dream is our nightmare.

Dare to Imagine

Fortunately, the past does not predict the future. Civilizations come and go. Empires rise and fall. Capitalism will also give way to new social formations. Another world is possible.

Not all choices are available. We can’t turn back the clock. We can only go forward. And we didn’t choose the conditions into which we were born and in which we must struggle. Nevertheless, we can make choices today that will change the future.

We can choose to believe that we can move beyond capitalism and class divisions. We can choose to believe that the majority have a common interest in pulling together. We can choose to imagine a future that is good, even wonderful!

Knowing our past is essential to changing our future. To discover who we could become, we must know how capitalism has shaped us to be who we are now. By appreciating the problems that our ancestors solved in the past, we can gain the confidence to solve our problems today.

Because the future is unknown, we cannot predict if our efforts will succeed. We can choose to act anyway, in hope, instead of surrendering to pessimism, passivity and despair.

The past does not predict the future. The future is ours to shape, by making choices today that will bear fruit tomorrow. Let us dare to dream of a better world — a caring, sharing, truly democratic world. Let us take those actions today that will bring that world one step closer.

Read POWER and Powerlessness. Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com

December 07, 2007

Animal Rights or Human Responsibilities?

by Susan Rosenthal

Many people feel strongly that animals should be protected from unnecessary suffering. To that end, some promote animal rights as an extension of human rights and equate animal liberation with human liberation. While this may sound appealing on the surface, it confuses the meaning of rights and liberation.

There is an important difference between advocating humane treatment for animals and granting them moral or legal rights. Where animal advocates are concerned primarily with human responsibilities towards animals, animal liberationists pit animal rights against human needs. As I will show, this undermines efforts to create a society that can protect people and animals.

The human domination of Nature

Animal liberationists argue that cruelty towards animals and destruction of the environment arise from the human domination of Nature. They point to pre-historic societies where people supposedly lived in harmony with Nature. However, harmony between the human and non-human world is possible only in a Garden of Eden, where God provides everything so that people don’t have to wrestle their survival from Nature.

In the real world, all species must struggle to survive. There is no lasting balance or harmony. There is violence, turbulence and change. Continents rise from the sea and are later submerged. There are periods of mass extinction of species and times when new species appear. Suns explode. Galaxies implode. Order dissolves into chaos, and out of chaos emerges new order. All things come into being and pass away.

Human history is rooted in our struggle to control Nature — to secure our food supply, shelter and clothe ourselves, manage our fertility, mend bones, heal wounds and combat disease and premature death. Agriculture and the domestication of animals are based on the assumption that people have a right to manipulate the environment to enhance their survival.

Pre-class societies took from Nature what they needed — cutting trees, mining minerals, domesticating animals and applying selective breeding to genetically alter other species. At the same time, they were conscious of their responsibility to the next generation and guarded the non-human world as a life-giving force. They took only what they needed and wasted nothing. For most of human history, people lived this way.

About 6,000 years ago, class divisions appeared. Feudal rulers proclaimed their divine right to take the biggest and best of what Nature and human skill had to offer. Responsibility for the natural world was subordinated to the obligation to provide for the elite. The development of capitalism, just a few hundred years ago, forced a much greater change.

Before capitalism, ruling families consumed the surplus. Capitalism changed the goal of production from consumption to accumulation, fundamentally changing the way people relate to each other and the environment.

The capitalist class put the surplus to work to create more surplus, or capital. While there is a limit to how much surplus can be consumed, there is no limit to how much capital can be accumulated.

Capital accumulation is driven by capitalist competition. Every capitalist is in a race to accumulate more capital, or profit, than his competitors. Those who fall behind go under. It doesn’t matter how much capital they have, no one can leave the race. Even a giant corporation like Microsoft must acquire more capital to stay ahead of its competitors.

The pursuit of profit is mindless. Because each capitalist must compete or die, nothing, not even the continued existence of life on Earth, matters more than "Accumulation for the sake of accumulation, production for the sake of production."

People have always used Nature to meet their needs. Capitalism was the first society to do this without conscience or regard for consequences. To justify profit madness, ancient customs and traditions had to be swept away.

In the 17th century, René Descartes declared that people had souls, whereas animals were merely things. Descartes considered the cry of an animal in pain to be no more significant than the squeak of a rusty cog in a machine. This "Cartesian split" divided the human and non-human world, disconnecting humanity from its animal origins and its historic relationship with Nature.

Capitalism also divided humanity into "races," in order to designate some people as sub-human. Racism was used to justify colonial exploitation and the slave trade. The treatment of African Blacks in slave ships rivals the most brutal examples of animal abuse. As recently as 1857, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that slaves were property, not people. Racism continues to justify America’s wars of acquisition, its mass incarceration of the poor, and the organized thievery that leaves millions in dire deprivation.

Humanity has always struggled to control Nature. However, capitalist exploitation is immensely destructive to the human and the non-human world. Workers are used up and thrown away. Nature is pillaged for raw materials on the one end and used as a massive toilet at the other end. Hurricane Katrina demonstrated how disregard for people, animals and the environment go hand-in-hand. The only reason that people are not also slaughtered for profit by the food industry is that, unlike animals, we can organize in self-defense.

There is so much that we don’t know about the natural world. At the same time, there is no corner of the globe, and no species, that is not affected by human activity. Under capitalism, human beings control nature like the U.S. controls the world — without regard for the future.

Under capitalism, power over others and lack of power are both corrupting. Pessimists argue that the only alternative is to turn our backs on power altogether, to give up trying to control anything. This is short-sighted. Power — the ability to control events — can be a liberating force.

Power is not the problem. The problem is unequal access to power. Taking collective control of society will make it possible for us to act responsibly towards each other and our environment.

Speciesism

In 1970, Richard D. Ryder coined the phrase "speciesism" to describe the practice of favoring or assigning greater value to one species over another. A speciesist is someone who places human needs above the needs of other species.

Animal liberationists reject speciesism, insisting that animals be given the same consideration as human beings — they should not be regarded as property or treated as resources for human purposes (food, clothing, scientific research, etc.), but should instead be regarded as legal persons and members of society with equal rights. There are several problems with this stance.

Animals do not recognize the rights of other animals. They kill and eat each other instinctively. The right of one animal to dinner interferes with the right of another animal to live. To survive, every species must place its needs above those of other species. We eat plants and animals. We don't allow them to eat us.

Medicine assumes that human life has supreme value. When my patient has pneumonia, I try to destroy the invading micro-organism. I do not grant the HIV virus the same right to live as a human being. Survival demands that we value human life over non-human life. That doesn’t mean that animals must be treated cruelly. However, it does mean that they can’t have equal rights.

Even for human beings, there is no such thing as absolute rights. The concept of human rights originated with the French Revolution (1789–1799), when the rising capitalist class appealed to the masses for help to overthrow the feudal aristocracy. After the dust settled, it became clear that ‘Liberty, Equality and Brotherhood’ meant the right of capitalists to exploit workers and peasants. The American people suffered a similar bait-and-switch. After vanquishing their British colonial masters, they discovered that "all men are created equal and endowed with inalienable rights" applied only to White male property owners.

Human rights exist within a class context. The rights of slave-owners conflict with the rights of slaves, the rights of employers conflict with the rights of workers, and the right of the KKK to free speech conflicts with the right of their targets to remain safe. Consequently, we must choose what is right, who has rights (and who does not), and how people and animals will be treated. The difficulty of such choices causes some people to promote universal rights for everyone and everything. However, as we shall see later on, such abstract moralism only serves the dominant class.

While animal liberationists view the struggle for animal rights as an extension of the fight for human rights, human rights are never bestowed by the oppressor. Women’s rights, minority rights, workers’ rights, etc, have been won only by people fighting on their own behalf, creating their own history. As Frederick Douglass pointed out, " Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will." The example of the United Nations proves that moral proclamations of rights, without struggle to enforce them, aren’t worth the paper they’re written on.

Because animals cannot organize on their own behalf, animal liberationists organize for them. Steve Rose observes,

It is not the animals who are demanding rights, but the humans who are conferring rights upon the animals. This argument is not about the rights of animals but about the duties of human beings.

Think about it. Freeing animals from human control would be disastrous. Domesticated animals would not survive on their own, and people who rely on animals for food would starve.

People can liberate animals from capitalist exploitation. However, the only way to free Nature from human control is to eliminate the human species, to put us at the very bottom of a value scale. While some believe that human extinction is the only way to save the planet, such anti-human despair cannot take us forward.

Animal research

Science is the sum of all human knowledge, skill and experience. Capitalism perverts human know-how to such an extent that some reject science altogether and advocate that we go back to living as hunters and gatherers. This makes no sense. All human societies, including hunters and gatherers, are based on science — on our need to know the world in which we live.

The problem is not science, but how capitalism uses science to benefit a powerful elite at the expense of everything else. More than 95 percent of all science funding is dedicated to military and corporate (for-profit) research. Most of this would not be necessary in a truly democratic society.

An example of unnecessary research is the way that surgeons are being trained to operate in Afghanistan. A pig is seriously wounded and the surgeon is required to resuscitate it. Once the animal’s condition is stabilized, it is repeatedly wounded until the surgeon can no longer keep it alive. Wounded soldiers will undoubtedly benefit. However, the wounding of soldiers and pigs is based on the assumption that the war must continue. But most people oppose the war. In a genuine democracy, the slaughter of people and animals would end immediately.

In response to horrible conditions imposed on some research animals, animal liberationists condemn all animal research. Their demand to end animal testing endangers essential medical research.

Some medical experiments can be done on animal cells and tissues. Other research, like developing human vaccines, requires live animal testing at some stage. If we want new medicines, then we must test them on animals or we must test them on people. Thalidomide is a drug that was not subjected to enough animal testing, with catastrophic results for thousands of children born with gross deformities. The only country that ever banned animal experiments completely was Nazi Germany during the 1930s. They experimented on people instead.

HIV/AIDS has infected more than 33 million people. Every year, more than 2 million people die of the disease and 2.5 million are newly infected. If we want an HIV/AIDS vaccine, then we must experiment on primates. Stopping this research would condemn millions more people to death — unless we decided not to create a vaccine and give everyone anti-retroviral drugs instead. That might be just as effective. However, this option cannot be implemented under capitalism, because the right of drug companies to make a profit conflicts with the right of people to life-saving medicines.

The question of animal testing obscures a more important question. Who decides the direction of society, including what is produced and how science is used?

The pursuit of profit generates countless unsafe products and barbaric practices. In a genuine democracy, we could choose to eliminate toxic products, improving our own health and reducing the need for animal testing. However, capitalism deprives the majority of the right to decide such matters. Instead of demanding a halt to animal testing, we should demand a halt to capitalism, so that animal testing can be reserved for truly necessary research and conducted as humanely as possible.

Food animals and food workers

Eating animals is not the same as being cruel towards them. Food animals can be raised with kindness and provided with better, longer lives than they could ever achieve in the wild. This can be a mutually beneficial relationship — we feed them, and they feed us.

The capitalist food industry is completely different — a source of immense cruelty towards animals and workers. While animal liberationists condemn how food animals are reared and slaughtered, they ignore the plight of food workers.

Upton Sinclair’s 1906 novel, The Jungle, outraged America by exposing barbaric conditions in the meatpacking industry. Over the following decades, labor unions fought and won better working conditions, wages and benefits. These improvements were short-lived. In "The Chain Never Stops" (Mother Jones, July/August 2001) Eric Schlosser explains what happened.

Starting in the early 1960s, a company called Iowa Beef Packers (IBP) began to revolutionize the industry, opening plants in rural areas far from union strongholds, recruiting immigrant workers from Mexico, introducing a new division of labor that eliminated the need for skilled butchers, and ruthlessly battling unions. By the late 1970s, meatpacking companies that wanted to compete with IBP had to adopt its business methods — or go out of business.

By 2001, 85 percent of the American meatpacking industry was controlled by four corporations: IBP, ConAgra, Excel and National Beef. These fiercely anti-union giants dominate a primarily immigrant workforce, many of whom are undocumented. Wages have plummeted and conditions made intolerable for workers and the animals they process. Schlosser writes,

The typical [production] line speed in an American slaughterhouse 25 years ago was about 175 cattle per hour. Some line speeds now approach 400 cattle per hour.

Faster means cheaper and more profitable. Faster also means more frightening and more dangerous.

Meatpacking is America’s most dangerous occupation. Officially, more than 40,000 meatpacking workers are injured on the job every year. The actual number is much higher, because the industry is notorious for not reporting injuries, falsifying injury data, and minimizing lost workdays by firing injured workers or forcing them back to work prematurely.

In 2004, a Human Rights Watch Report: Blood, Sweat and Fear: Workers’ Rights in U.S. Meat and Poultry Plants concluded, "workers [in the meat and poultry industry] ... contend with conditions, vulnerabilities, and abuses which violate human rights."

The condition of food animals cannot be separated from the condition of food workers. As the drive for profit ratchets up the speed of production, all consideration for living beings falls away. No time is allowed to kill humanely. No time is allowed to maintain sanitary conditions. Animals and workers are both terrorized.

In a classic divide-and-rule manoeuver, employers encourage workers to vent their rage on animals. In 2004, workers at a chicken-processing plant in Moorefield, West Virginia, were discovered torturing chickens, with the apparent approval of management. Incidents of torture increased when employees were forced to work overtime. Such cruelty is profitable for the capitalist. As long as workers are attacking animals, they are not demanding better conditions for themselves and for the animals.

Who can solve this problem? The capitalist State grants the employer the exclusive right to manage the workplace, which is considered his private property. Neither the general public nor workers in any particular industry are allowed to interfere with the right of the capitalist to make a profit. Consequently, industry conditions improve only when workers fight back.

When food workers improve their own conditions, they automatically improve the condition of food animals and the safety of the meat produced. You would think that animal advocates and food workers would be natural allies. However, middle-class moralism gets in the way.

Middle-class moralism

The warring classes will seek to gain victory by every means, while middle-class moralists will continue to wander in confusion between the two camps. Subjectively they sympathize with the oppressed — no one doubts that. Objectively, they remain captives of the morality of the ruling class and seek to impose it upon the oppressed instead of helping them to elaborate the morality of revolution. — Leon Trotsky

During the 20th century, colonial wars, two World Wars and the threat of atomic annihilation revealed the destructive potential of science. The socialist movement condemned capitalism for applying science in these ways. Middle-class moralists saw it differently. They argued that science was inherently dangerous and destructive.

Today, the right of humanity to control nature is under attack by sections of the peace movement, the ecology movement, anarchists, eco-feminists and animal liberationists. While Nature has not benefitted from these attacks on science, conservative social forces have.

In the 1970s, Peter Singer compared animal liberation to women's liberation. Not so. An abstract reverence for life (‘right-to-life’) supports those who seek to increase the oppression of women. If you believe that human beings have no right to control Nature, then they have no right to use contraception and abortion.

Colorado is considering an amendment to grant legal rights to fertilized human eggs. Voters would be asked whether inalienable rights, the right to due process and equal justice should be granted to "any human being from the moment of fertilization." The fact that ‘equal rights’ for embryos undermines the rights of women is simply ignored.

Blaming environmental problems on ‘overpopulation’ supports racist population control and anti-immigration policies. If you think that too many people are endangering the planet, then you would have to cheer every war, famine, flood, earthquake and epidemic that reduces the population.

In fact, environmental damage is accelerating despite falling global birth rates. Between 1970 and 2000, the fertility rate in the world’s poor nations dropped by more than half. In Europe, it is below replacement level. The United States has the greatest impact on the environment, yet its fertility rate has been below replacement level for the past three decades. The root cause of the environmental crisis is not people but profit madness.

James Lovelock disagrees. "We, personally, are the polluters...We are therefore accountable, personally...for the silent spring that Rachel Carson predicted." The New York Times takes the same position. "We simply cannot continue to hold our national security and the health of the planet hostage to our appetite for fossil fuels."

There is no "we," when it comes to who is responsible for human and environmental degradation. The real world is divided into conflicting classes. The capitalist class sets social policy to increase its power and profit. The working class struggles to resist exploitation and oppression. The middle-class sidesteps this conflict by demanding that everyone have equal rights, human and non-human alike. Who will enforce this demand?

The middle class dismisses the working class as unintelligent, unimportant, and certainly not a force that can remake the world. Instead, it turns to the capitalist State, which embraces every opportunity to advance its own agenda. The ruling class will use the concept of ‘universal rights’ to protect embryos from stem cell research, while it builds its war machine and allows people of all ages to die from lack of medical care.

Our challenge

All animals alter their environment in the process of meeting their needs. Human beings are the first to do so consciously. We are the only species capable of learning and applying the laws of Nature to enhance our survival, which includes protecting the environment on which our survival depends.

While human beings have the ability to control Nature, we have not yet learned to master ourselves. This is the supreme challenge of our species.

Relying on moral pronouncements and State decrees is counterproductive. Profit madness will end when the majority take collective control of production. That is the only way to restore collective responsibility for our world.

How people relate to the non-human world has always been shaped by how they relate to each other. For more than 150,000 years, people lived in egalitarian societies that used Nature responsibly. Even today, most people support human responsibility towards the environment. The problem is capitalism, which blocks the majority from exercising any control over the direction of society. Divide and rule is essential to maintain this imbalance.

Most animal advocates do not support food workers, because they take the middle-class position of attacking food corporations and their employees. They also condemn people who eat meat, in the mistaken belief that being vegetarian is the only way to protect food animals. In fact, the 2006 strikes in support of immigrants’ rights achieved what vegetarians have never accomplished — they closed America’s feedlots and slaughterhouses.

The fate of the animal world is inextricably tied to our own. As long as some people are allowed to exploit and oppress other people, they will also exploit and oppress animals. To end animal abuse, we must support the working class — the only force that can end profit madness and all the human and animal suffering that goes with it.

For more, read POWER and Powerlessness. Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com

November 04, 2007

The Infinite Potential of the Human Mind

by Susan Rosenthal

Want to know a secret? A healthy human mind is incompatible with capitalism. Let me explain.

Science tells us that the mind cannot be reduced to an activity of the brain. The mind is created and sustained in a complex dance between human beings. Cut off from social relationships, the mind loses its ability to function. Evidence for this comes from socially-deprived infants and from adults kept in isolation or subjected to sensory deprivation.

For more than 95 percent of human history, people lived in small, cooperative societies. Over the past few thousand years, our species underwent an amazing cultural evolution. Our brains did not change biologically, but how we used them did. As people pooled their experiences and accumulated knowledge from one generation to the next, their minds developed. And as their minds developed, they created new social arrangements to meet their changing needs.

Capitalism blocks this creative process. While knowledge continues to accumulate, it is not shared. And while some people are moved forward, many more are hurtled backward. The central problem for capitalism is how to create profit, not how to develop human potential. To maximize profit, capitalism must disrupt human relationships and stifle human potential.

The more we are divided and deprived, the more wealth can be generated for the people at the top. Any form of collectivism is a threat to the system, from union organizing to demands for government-funded services.

Instead of using our minds to solve our common problems, we get to decide only which section of the elite will dominate us. Instead of working together to raise our living standards, we labor to enrich the elite. Instead of protecting ourselves and each other, we fight their barbaric but profitable wars.

The human mind crumbles under such conditions. Epidemics of anger, anxiety, inter-personal conflict and deep discouragement create an ocean of human misery. Adding insult to injury, these signs of social sickness are mislabeled as "personal problems" and "mental illness."

To preserve itself, capitalism must block the infinite potential of the human mind. And I do mean infinite. There is no limit to the number of ways that we could organize our lives and society.

The average human brain contains approximately 100 billion nerve cells or neurons. Each neuron has about 10,000 connections with its neighbors. When you consider that each of these connections can be turned on or off, the number of possible firing patterns is greater than the number of known particles in the universe. When you add the different ways that each human mind could connect with the other six billion minds on the planet...well, I think you get the picture.

Capitalism has stuck humanity in a giant historical rut and bamboozled us into thinking that this is the best we can do, that we have reached the end of our history. Not So! We have barely begun to explore our potential. However, if capitalism has its way, we never will.

We can’t let this happen. We have created capitalism, and we can change our minds and replace it with something much better.

Read POWER and Powerlessness. Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com

October 28, 2007

The Shocking Disaster of Capitalism

by Susan Rosenthal

Book Review: Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: the Rise of Disaster Capitalism, Metropolitan Books, September 18, 2007, 576 pages, $28 (US)

It’s often been said that we are the majority, and they can’t put us all in jail. Naomi Klein proves otherwise. It’s true, they can’t put us all in jail, but they don’t need to. Klein is the anti-globalization author of No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. In her bold new book, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, she explains how "radical capitalists" use shock treatment to impose anti-human policies on unwilling populations.

Under normal conditions, most people reject plans to raise profits by waging wars, depressing living standards, deepening inequality and decimating civil rights. Nor do they choose to abolish government regulations, minimize corporate taxes, privatize government functions and eliminate social services. Yet that is what the "free market" demands. In essence, free people don’t choose wars and free markets, they choose peace and government services, like universal health care.

Because democracy is the enemy of the free market, free-market fundamentalists must use force to get their way. "Countries are shocked — by wars, terror attacks, coups d’état and natural disasters." Then, "they are shocked again — by corporations and politicians who exploit the fear and disorientation of this first shock to push through economic shock therapy." A third shock is delivered "by police, soldiers and prison interrogators" against those who resist. A succession of "aftershocks" provide more opportunities for profit.

While populations are reeling and disoriented, their economies are pillaged in a capitalist feeding frenzy. Public wealth is handed to the private sector, and private debt is transferred to the public sector. A few become fabulously wealthy, and the majority are impoverished. Whether this happens quickly, as it did in Chile 30 years ago, or more gradually, as in America today, Klein describes the outcome as "extraordinarily violent armed robbery." By the time the population recovers its bearings, the economy has been looted and the theft sanctioned by law.

This may sound way over the top, but it isn’t science fiction. Klein’s research is meticulous, and she provides many examples to make her case: Latin America, South Africa, Poland, Russia, Asia and the Middle East.

In Iraq, the U.S. invasion (Shock and Awe) was followed by economic shock. American bureaucrats rewrote Iraq’s laws to permit 100 percent foreign ownership of Iraqi businesses and to let foreign companies take all their profits out of the country, tax free. All 200 of Iraq’s state companies were offered for sale, and the central bank was prohibited from financing state-owned businesses. A continuing military occupation, mass incarceration and torture force compliance with these policies.

In the United States, the shock of September 11 was used to privatize sections of the state that were previously off-limits, including disaster response, national security and the military. As Klein puts it, "For decades, the market had been feeding off the appendages of the state; now it would devour the core." She describes the result as a "hollow government" that subcontracts state functions to the private sector and, in the process, transfers public funds into private coffers. "In 2003, the Bush administration spent $327 billion on contracts to private companies — nearly 40 cents of every discretionary dollar." This process has been accompanied by mass detentions, secret prisons, extensive spying, elimination of due process, and torture.

Klein insists that the use of torture is not an aberration but a necessary display of the state’s determination to crush all opposition. Neither individual pain nor mass misery can be allowed to block the road to power and profit. Torture is "a foolproof indication" that "a regime is engaged in a deeply anti-democratic project, even if that regime happens to have come to power through elections."

The impact of The Shock Doctrine cannot be captured in a short review. You must read it to appreciate the full significance of what Klein has uncovered. As an added bonus, it reads like a fast-moving detective story, unmasking the individuals and forces that are pushing our world into barbarism. Until the last few chapters, I couldn’t put it down.

The chicken and the egg

Despite her keen observations, Klein confuses the chicken of power with the egg of profit. She states, "I believe that the goal of the Iraq war was to bomb into being a new free trade zone." This is mistaken.

Washington invaded Iraq to obtain a military base in a strategically important region of the Middle East. From this position, America can secure its global dominance by controlling a large portion of the world oil supply. Of course, enormous profits are being made in the process. But power comes first.

American companies could never claim Iraqi oil without the U.S. military. As Thomas Friedman observed, "The hidden hand of the market will never work without a hidden fist. McDonald’s cannot flourish without McDonnell Douglas, the designer of the F-15, and the hidden fist that keeps the world safe for Silicon valley’s technology is called the U.S. Army, Air Force, Navy and Marine Corps."

Confusion concerning the relation between power and profit leads Klein to view the rise of disaster capitalism as something new. In fact, it is the logical outcome of a system that has always sought profit at any price.

The British Empire was built on savage colonialism. America grew wealthy off the labor of African slaves. The displacement of poor people after disasters like Katrina and the Asian tsunami is an extension of the displacement of aboriginals and everyone else who has ever stood in the way of profit. What’s new is the astonishing efficiency with which human lives and the environment are being destroyed.

However, Klein doesn’t hate capitalism. Her target is the ruthless free-market doctrine preached by Milton Friedman and the Chicago School of Economics. Klein advocates a mixed capitalist economy, with "a free market in consumer products" and generous social services provided by a class-neutral state that serves everyone’s needs. How reasonable! Yet Klein provides more than 500 pages of evidence that the capitalist system is fundamentally unreasonable.

Klein compares capitalism to a drug addict, where the drug is profit. By definition, addiction is not a reasonable behavior. As Bob Dylan sang in Highway 61 Revisited, a capitalist will sell tickets to World War III if he could profit by doing so.

Moreover, Klein’s "third way," which she describes as a mix of capitalism and socialism, is an historical oddity that developed as a temporary response to social crisis. Examples include the American New Deal in response to the Great Depression and the post-war European welfare states. Once the threat of revolution is removed, the drive for profit resumes. The New Deal has been dismantled, and European states are privatizing their economies. Vulture capitalists are devouring Britain’s welfare state, and Canada continues to privatize social services, despite annual government budget surpluses.

Klein takes the classic liberal position of compromise, the belief that capitalism can be made to suit everyone’s needs. As she puts it, "I am not saying that all forms of market capitalism are inherently violent. It is imminently possible to have a market-based economy that requires no such brutality." The experience of ordinary people says otherwise.

Workers’ lives are brutalized every day by systemic disrespect, lack of control, overwork and unemployment, financial stress and fear for the future. Capitalism needs profit, profit requires worker exploitation, and exploitation is inherently violent. As Klein herself states,

"An economic system that requires constant growth, while bucking almost all serious attempts at environmental regulation, generates a steady stream of disasters all on its own, whether military, ecological or financial. The appetite for easy, short-term profits offered by purely speculative investment has turned the stock, currency and real estate markets into crisis-creation machines, as the Asian financial crisis, the Mexican peso crisis and the dotcom collapse all demonstrate."

Klein shows us that capitalism is the enemy of democracy, so that any form of collectivism is seen as a threat to the system. That’s why President Bush rejected government-funded health care for low-income children. For business to triumph, everything that defines us as human must be swept away.

Three forces that CAN win

Klein tries to end this book on an optimistic note. She describes how people bravely reconstruct their lives after the shocks wear off. However, the resilience of those who rebuild, while immensely admirable, cannot counter the power of capitalism to keep on destroying. Klein also mentions the Bolivarian revolutions in Latin America and the worker cooperatives that she and her husband document in their must-see film, The Take. Oddly, Klein does not call for activists to rebuild the vibrant anti-globalization movement that was knocked off its feet after 9/11.

In the opening chapters, Klein names the forces that can defeat capitalism. In every nation they have targeted, free-market capitalists have identified three threats to their privatization agenda: organized workers (who could take the economy away from them); marxists (who encourage workers to do just that); and the principle of solidarity (which is incompatible with free-market individualism).

While Klein is passionate about solidarity, she is not a marxist. She doesn’t want to replace capitalism, she wants only to tame it. So she sidesteps the potential of the working class to liberate us from the disaster that is capitalism. And in the process, she reinforces the fundemental mistake of liberalism.

Naomi Wolf (no relation to Naomi Klein) co-founded the American Freedom Campaign, whose goal is "to reverse the abuse of executive power and restore our system of checks and balances." The Campaign has gathered millions of signatures on a petition to defend the Constitution.

Wolf should read Klein's book. The chilling description of Chile’s military coup proves that a Constitution presents no barrier to determined profit-seekers. Only the working class could have stopped that horror. But while workers begged for arms to defend their elected government, Chile’s president placed his faith in the Constitution. It was a disastrous and fatal mistake.

Real democracy and real freedom mean the power to control the economy. Capitalism will never choose to give that up, no matter how many people sign a petition.

Despite its weaknesses, The Shock Doctrine is essential reading for a new generation of activists. Few books help us to understand the world. Even fewer do this in an accessible form.

Klein connects the dots to reveal the deepening conflict between what most people want and where capitalism is taking us. She tells us that the world is descending into barbarism, not because of human nature, not because people don’t care, not because we lost any argument, but because we have not yet organized in sufficient numbers to prevent it.

The good news is that human beings not only suffer, we also rebel, and we can learn to rebel more effectively. Klein has shown us the three forces that can defeat capitalism: the organized working class, the politics of marxism and the principles of solidarity. Her final message is absolutely right. It’s time to organize.

Read POWER and Powerlessness. Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com

October 08, 2007

Who Are We?

by Susan Rosenthal

After exposing the horrors of the American medical system, Michael Moore concludes his documentary, SiCKO, by asking, "Who are we, that we allow such suffering?" When Moore appeared on Oprah’s talk show, she turned to the television audience and repeated the question.

Naomi Klein poses the same question. Her book, The Shock Doctrine, documents how the people in power engineer catastrophes and exploit natural disasters to profit a few. How awful! Who are we, that we tolerate such injustice?

Capitalists and their supporters reply, "Human nature is brutal and cannot change." They want to keep the door shut on any discussion of who we are and the kind of society we could have. As far as they are concerned, we are their creatures and should remain so. We labor to enrich them. We suffer and die to build their empires. That’s who they want us to be.

Who decides who we are? Moore and Klein and a growing number of activists are saying, "We decide who we are." And so the revolution begins.

Who do we want to be?

People value kindness more than any other characteristic. Compassion in thought, word and deed is universally appreciated regardless of nationality, culture or religion. By acknowledging kindness as the highest human value, we define who we are and the type of world that we want.

We want to live in a compassionate and sharing world, a giving-and-forgiving world, a help-each-other-out world, an all-for-one-and-one-for-all world, democratically managed by all of us, for all of us.

A truly democratic society can remake itself in any way it chooses. As Klein points out, the idea that people should not have the power to decide how the economy functions "is and remains the single most anti-democratic idea of our time."

The capitalists don’t want a kind world or a democratic world. There would be no profit in it. They want more and bigger weapons, more surveillance, more prisons and more repression to keep their profits flowing and protect their power to shape society for their exclusive benefit.

However, when millions of ordinary people begin to ask, "Who are we?" the days of the oppressors are numbered.

We are the majority, and we can build a fair and just world. We lack confidence in ourselves and each other, but that can change. Together, we can release ourselves and our oppressors from this heartless hell of chasing profit. There can be no act of compassion greater than that.

For more, read POWER and Powerlessness. Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com

September 29, 2007

Machismo at Work: False-Consciousness or Self-Defense?

by Susan Rosenthal

The man was nearly deaf. "He won’t wear hearing protection!" exclaimed his exasperated wife. I turned to the man and asked if this was true. He nodded and confessed that none of the guys at work wore hearing protection.

Feminists would describe this behavior as workplace machismo, or male toughness. Marxists would describe it as false consciousness, where workers fail to recognize their class interests, in this case, to protect their health on the job.

I suspected something else, so I replied, "I think I understand. If you value your hearing, then you are valuing yourself, and that would create conflict in a job where you are not valued." His eyes widened in recognition. Then he looked at the floor and nodded. His wife asked me what I was talking about. And so I explained.

The more employers devalue their employees, the less they have to pay them, and the more profit they will make. In contrast, employees seek greater recognition of their contribution in the form of higher wages. Workers command more respect when they pull together.

In 1937, General Motors was the biggest corporation in the world. Genora (Johnson) Dollinger describes the confidence of workers who forced GM to recognize their union:

"Every time something came up that couldn’t be settled or the workers got a tough foreman who told them, "Go to hell," they’d shut down the line. The men were so cocky, they’d say to the foremen, "You don’t like it?" They’d push the button and shut down the line."

In response, the capitalist class set out to strip the unions of their power. In Subterranean Fire: A History of Working-Class Radicalism in the United States, Sharon Smith explains how conservative union officials joined with government to drive socialists and other militants out of the unions. By the 1950s, American unions had been transformed from fighting organizations controlled by workers to bureaucratic organizations run by middle-class professionals. But the bosses wanted more. They wanted complete control of the shop floor.

Degrading workers

In Labor and Monopoly Capital: The Degradation of Work in the Twentieth Century, Harry Braverman describes how employers robbed workers of their power by applying an industrial system called "scientific management" or Taylorism.

Frederick Winslow Taylor developed three methods for transferring control over the labor process from workers to managers: separating mental and manual work; de-skilling the labor process; and micro-managing every step of the work. In combination, these methods reduce the skilled worker to a cog in a machine, interchangeable with any other cog. As a writer of the time observed,

"It is not, truly speaking the labor that is divided; but the men: divided into mere segments of men — broken into small fragments and crumbs of life; so that all the little piece of intelligence that is left in a man is not enough to make a pin, or a nail, but exhausts itself in making the point of a pin or the head of a nail."

Today, Taylor’s methods are the norm. Fast-food restaurants are structured like assembly lines. Hospitals function like factories where separate departments tend to different parts of the body, in assembly-line fashion. Classroom courses are scripted to the point of describing which hand gestures to make while teaching.

Devalued workers are treated as expendable. An estimated 55,000 Americans die every year from occupational injury and illness, far more than died on 9/11. Despite this shocking level of industrial slaughter, politicians do not denounce employers as "terrorists," and they do not order Homeland Security to patrol the workplace.

Ninety percent of all work sites in America, covering 40 percent of the nation’s workforce, are not inspected regularly for health and safety violations. When violations are found, the penalties are too small to force any real change.

The State virtually gives employers a license to kill workers. In 1970, Congress declared that causing the death of a worker by deliberately violating safety laws is a misdemeanor (not a felony) with a maximum sentence of six months in jail. This is half the maximum for harassing a wild donkey on federal land.

Workers stripped of skill, dignity and social worth suffer low morale, sickness and frequent absenteeism, all of which lower productivity. To boost productivity, experts in medicine, psychology and human relations serve as the maintenance crew for the human machinery. These professionals are not employed to remedy the assault on the worker. Their job is to manage the worker’s reactions to that assault. The worker becomes the problem, not the way work is organized. And that’s how a middle-aged worker with hearing loss ends up at the doctor’s office feeling embarrassed about not using hearing protection.

False consciousness?

Is this worker suffering from "false consciousness"? I would say no. He knows he has a conflict. He understands the danger of excessive noise and wants to protect himself. However, he also recognizes (even when he can’t put it into words) that if he and his co-workers valued themselves, it would be more difficult to tolerate a job where they are not valued.

Given the employer’s disregard for their hearing, these workers have two choices. They can unite and demand less noise and more effective health and safety provisions. Or they can "go along" by dissociating from their need to protect themselves. The first option would create conflict with the boss. The second option creates conflict with themselves and each other. The workplace is structured to promote the path of least resistance, which is to "go along to get along."

When challenging the social order seems impossible, machismo serves as a form of collective self-defense. Machismo helps male workers bear their degradation by making it seem that they choose to risk their health on the job, as a confirmation of their manly toughness.

To view the problem only as masculine strutting is to fail to recognize the worker’s real oppression. To view the problem only as false consciousness is to disregard the creative forms of self-defense that workers use when they see no class-based alternative.

Similarly, racist workers have a legitimate need to defend their jobs. However, workers who blame other workers for their problems trade apparent short-term gain for real long-term pain. The need for self-defense is real, but the method is self-defeating, because employers use racism to lower living standards for all workers.

Socialists strive to provide workers with the knowledge and experience that will help them to see the social source of their misery and their collective power to end it. The term "false consciousness" is used to explain why workers persist in supporting a system that oppresses them. (Feminists also use the term "false consciousness" to explain why women support a system that oppresses them.)

Marx never used the term "false consciousness," and Engels refers to it only once, in a letter. However, the concept bears an uncanny resemblance to Freud’s concept of psychological resistance. When Freud’s patients refused to accept his interpretation of their problems, he called this "resistance," a psychological defense against discussing, recalling or thinking about painful realities.

Freud’s concept of resistance assumes that the therapist is always right and the patient is always wrong. In reality, therapists frequently fail to appreciate the larger social context that compels people to behave in ways that seem self-defeating, but are actually self-preserving in the absence of other choices.

Consider the unconfident woman who stays with an abusive mate despite her therapist’s recommendation that she leave. Freud would view the deadlock between therapist and patient as resistance, where the patient is resisting the therapist. There is another possibility. The therapist may not appreciate the woman’s financial inability to support herself and her kids and the real possibility that her mate may kill her if she leaves.

Just as the concept of resistance creates conflict between therapist and patient, the concept of false consciousness creates conflict between socialists and non-socialist workers. Who decides whose consciousness is "true" and whose consciousness is "false"? Socialists may not appreciate the extent to which capitalism is structured to keep most people feeling powerless most of the time, regardless of what they know. Understanding these forces is the first step to overcoming them.

The body tells the truth

The self-defense methods that workers use to "get through" are not entirely successful. They preserve a semblance of dignity, but fail to protect against the ravages of exploitation. What the mind refuses to acknowledge, the body protests by generating pain and other disabling symptoms (like hearing loss). As Michael Schneider writes in Neurosis and Civilization,

"As long as the working class does not rebel against these new and intensified forms of exploitation, heart, stomach and circulatory diseases of individual workers will rebel for them. Even though the worker may still ‘go along,’ his circulation, in any event, will not. Even if he says, ‘actually I feel alright,’ his stomach ulcer will prove the contrary."

As the rich get richer, the rest of us get sicker. Capitalism produces obscene wealth at one end of society and epidemics of dis-ease everywhere else. The medical system hides the relationship between class and illness by treating sickness as an individual malfunction, instead of the inevitable price of a profit-driven system. Even universal health care cannot stop the sickness produced by capitalism. Only the working-class majority can transform an illness-generating society into a health-generating one.

Machismo, racism, dissociation, sickness and other forms of self-defense both mask and reveal the reality of worker oppression. By viewing worker compliance with capitalism as false consciousness, socialists pit themselves against workers.

Workers do not want to suffer. They want to be judged even less. Socialists can align with workers by appreciating the complexities of their lives and the ways they defend themselves. This alliance is essential for workers to learn to fight as a class.

As Braverman concludes, until workers fight back as a class they will "remain servants of capital instead of freely associated producers who control their own labor and their own destinies," and they will "work every day to build for themselves more ‘modern,’ more ‘scientific,’ and more dehumanized prisons of labor."

For more, read POWER and Powerlessness. Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com

September 22, 2007

America in Crisis, Part II: The Liberal Challenge and the Prospects for Socialism

by Susan Rosenthal

Part I (September 17) discussed the deepening conflict between the rulers and the ruled and the disagreements within the elite on how to address the nation's problems. Part II (below) compares liberal efforts to preserve the system with socialist efforts to replace it.

Containing discontent

The capitalist class is a tiny minority that needs majority consent to rule. That consent could be lost if social problems are allowed to deepen. Arguing that an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure, liberals align with social discontent in order to contain it.

When the President defended insurance industry profits over the needs of sick children, the New York Times shared the nation’s outrage. In "An Immoral Philosophy" (August 1, 2007), Paul Krugman writes,

"What kind of philosophy says that it's O.K. to subsidize insurance companies, but not to provide health care to children?...9 in 10 Americans – including 83 percent of self-identified Republicans – support an expansion of the children's health insurance program...There is, it seems, more basic decency in the hearts of Americans than is dreamt of in Mr. Bush's philosophy."

The liberal media are running to get ahead of a growing number of dissidents, like Naomi Klein and Michael Moore, who are fueling discontent. Klein’s best-selling book, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, has joined Moore’s documentary film, SiCKO, to punch holes in the lies that prop up the system. When Oprah and Moore agree on national television that America needs some form of socialized medicine, the wind is definitely shifting.

Suddenly, "socialism" is not such a dirty word. In "A Socialist Plot" (August 27, 2007), Krugman writes, "The truth is that there’s no difference in principle between saying that every American child is entitled to an education and saying that every American child is entitled to adequate health care."

Liberals must convince the capitalist class that a lesser-evil-capitalism, even when it calls itself socialism, is preferable to the threat of real socialism. However, conservatives argue that granting reforms will be the start of a slippery slope. If Americans think they have a right to health care, what else will they think they deserve?

Conservatives remember the 1960s, when Americans gained the confidence to demand racial equality, women’s liberation, aboriginal rights, gay liberation, more social support, higher wages, safer working conditions, more affordable housing, better schools and more access to medical care. There was organized opposition to the arms race, nuclear power, the death penalty, American foreign policy and the Vietnam War. It took a concerted effort and many years to beat back that rebellion.

Is America ready for socialism?

The social crisis and the conflict at the top have opened a space to discuss genuine socialism, a worker-run democracy where ordinary people take collective control of the economy and direct it to meet human needs. The material conditions already exist for such a society.

Because socialism is based on sharing, there must be more than enough to go around. That is no longer a problem.

If the yearly production of American workers was transformed into dollars and equally shared among the population, it would provide $45,000 for every man, woman and child in the nation, or $180,000 for every family of four. This sum would be many times larger if everyone who wanted to work was employed and if the wealth produced in previous years was included.

The same is true on a world scale. Between 1800 and 2000, the amount of wealth produced grew eight times faster than the global population. Only a few have benefited. By 2001, 497 billionaires enjoyed assets of $1.54 trillion, more than the combined incomes of half of humanity.

The second criterion for socialism is a matter of choice. Human beings create the societies in which they live and they can choose to change them.

Most Americans do not choose socialism, because they are bamboozled into thinking that it would not be in their interest. Our rulers insist that there is no alternative to capitalism, as they intensify their barbaric tactics of blame-the-victim and divide-and-rule. By dazzling us with their power, they hope that we will not discover our own, much greater power.

Capitalism isn’t threatened by talk of cooperation and sharing. However, it cannot tolerate demands for a society based on these principles. That’s why the elite have made "socialism" a dirty word. If people knew they could meet their needs and solve their problems without a ruling class, they would have no need for capitalism.

Socialist organizations bring ordinary people together to discover and use their collective power. Where capitalism divides and fragments, socialists link individuals, causes, past events and future dreams into a unified struggle for human survival.

The battle for ideas is critical. To isolate workers and re-enforce their feelings of powerlessness, the capitalist class infects them with fear and pessimism. In contrast, socialists connect workers’ experience of individual suffering with their collective power to eliminate that suffering.

Most important, socialists believe in the working class even when it does not believe in itself.

The anti-globalization movement of the late 1990s raised the hope of change. So did the massive anti-war demonstrations that preceded America’s invasion of the Middle East. When the U.S. began bombing Baghdad, many became discouraged and retreated from activism.

Today, rising discontent is not matched by a corresponding rise in struggle. While millions of Americans are enraged by the deterioration of their lives and society, decades of defeat have deepened the belief that real change is not possible. But beliefs change.

The working class is obedient, not stupid. It has rejected the war despite a steady stream of pro-war propaganda. Workers are also exceedingly patient, but there is a limit to how much unfairness they will tolerate.

With the economy sliding into recession, the New York Times warns, "It seems that ordinary working families are going to have to wait — at the very minimum — until the next cycle to make up the losses they suffered in this one. There’s no guarantee they will."

No one can know when the next struggle will erupt or what its outcome will be. Only one thing is certain. The needs of the capitalist class will continue to clash with the needs of humanity. If we can organize ourselves in sufficient numbers to end the war and win universal health care, we need not stop there. We could proceed to build a very different world based on peace and security for all.

For more, read POWER and Powerlessness. Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com

September 17, 2007

America in Crisis, Part I: Class Conflict

by Susan Rosenthal

America is deeply divided. For one thing, most Americans want an end to the war against Iraq and some form of universal health care, while the ruling class is committed to the war and to sacrificing social services to pay for it.

This conflict between the rulers and the ruled reflects a deeper, structural rift. In a series of three articles (Z Magazine, February, April, May, 2007), Jack Rasmus documents how,

"From the early 1980s on, income inequality widened, deepened, and accelerated until today well over $1 trillion in income is being transferred every year from the roughly 90 million working class families in the U.S. to corporations and the wealthiest non-working class households."

Thirty-five years of pro-business social policies have hurtled class inequality back to the level of the 1920s. One percent of Americans now owns half the nation's wealth. In 2005, the total wealth of all U.S. millionaires was $30 trillion, more than the annual wealth produced in China, Japan, Brazil, Russia and the European Union combined!

The extent of inequality has angered the working class and alarmed sections of the establishment. Inequality in "the land of opportunity" is usually blamed on the victim for lacking the skills and determination to succeed. Now that the majority has been left behind, this excuse has lost credibility. Consider this editorial comment from the New York Times (August 29, 2007),

"The median household income last year was still about $1,000 less than in 2000, before the onset of the last recession... [W]hen household incomes rose, it was because more members of the household went to work, not because anybody got a bigger paycheck...The earnings of men and women working full time actually fell more than 1 percent last year...[T]he spoils of the nation’s economic growth have flowed almost exclusively to the wealthy and the extremely wealthy, leaving little for everybody else."

Americas are seething with discontent over falling living standards, the environmental crisis, the war and the abysmal state of the medical system. In the spring of 2006, this anger exploded in the largest demonstrations in the nation’s history. Protesting anti-immigrant policies and chanting "We are America," the working class rose up and punched the capitalist class in the face. That fall, the Republican majority was swept from office by voters who were sick of government lies, incompetence and corruption.

Reform or revolution

The powers-that-be are concerned that popular discontent could coalesce into a generalized rebellion against the system. This happened after World War I, during the 1930s, and in the 1960s.

There are only two solutions to such crises: reform from above to restore confidence in the system or revolution from below to replace it. Let’s examine the first option.

Both the Democratic and Republican Parties are committed to victory in Iraq. To counter widespread anti-war sentiment, Washington has repackaged the war as military support for the Iraqi government, with Iraqi incompetence being blamed for "delaying" troop withdrawal. Regular announcements of "signs of progress" imply that the war is winding down when it is actually escalating. This stalling tactic seems to be working, for now.

Reducing class inequality presents a greater challenge. The New York Times concludes, "What are needed are policies to help spread benefits broadly — be it more progressive taxation, or policies to strengthen public education and increase access to affordable health care."

The elite immediately cry "socialism!" at the suggestion that any portion of the social pie should be returned to the working class. Capitalists want a State that enacts policies just for them and rescues only them. And that’s what they get. In countless ways, capitalism functions as a kind of socialism for the rich.

America’s tax laws free the largest corporations from paying any tax whatsoever. Federal judges have allowed ailing industries to abandon billions of dollars in "burdensome" pension obligations. The multi-billion-dollar federal bailout of mortgage lenders has not been matched by any money for working-class home owners facing foreclosure. And while the Bush administration has allowed Medicare-funded insurance companies to keep millions of dollars that should have been returned to beneficiaries, it vigorously pursues beneficiaries to recover money that it says is owed to insurance companies.

The New York Times doesn’t actually want socialism. It wants a lesser-evil capitalism directed by the Democratic Party.

Liberals and liberal institutions condemn the worst aspects of capitalism in order to preserve the system as a whole.

Most Americans want more investment in the nation’s infrastructure. They want universal healthcare and more funding for schools. They want New Orleans rebuilt and their bridges secure. Liberals know that, unless the system can deliver on some level, the majority will eventually reject that system.

Wiser capitalists remember the French Revolution. Those who take too much can lose their heads. Billionaires like Bill Gates and Warren Buffett prefer to return a small piece of the pie than forfeit the entire bakery.

Gates criticizes the "inequality gap" and devotes a tiny portion of his fortune to charity. Buffett says it’s unfair that he pays less than 18 per cent of his income in taxes, when his secretary pays 30 per cent of hers. Gates and Buffett aren’t socialists. Like the robber-baron philanthropists of the last century, they understand that their class must appear generous to preserve its system of organized thievery.

President Roosevelt faced a similar choice when he fought for the New Deal despite opposition from business interests. In A People’s History of the United States, Howard Zinn explains,

"The Roosevelt reforms…had to meet two pressing needs: to reorganize capitalism in such a way as to overcome the crisis and stabilize the system; also to head off the alarming growth of spontaneous rebellion...— organization of tenants and the unemployed, movements of self-help and general strikes in several cities."

Reining in a 35-year wealth-grabbing binge won’t be easy. Despite liberal demands that Democrats in Congress develop a spine, the Democratic Party serves the business class. Returning any wealth to the working class would undermine Corporate America’s ability to dominate the global economy.

Unless it is forced to use the carrot to quell discontent, the ruling class prefers to use the stick.

The war on terror, with its attack on civil liberties, is the capitalists’ response to inequality and injustice. They seize the wealth; they do not share it. They crush their victims; they do not rescue them. And they don’t feel threatened by a labor movement that is currently too weak to mount a sustained rebellion. At the same time, their confidence has been shaken by their failures to win the war, create a workable immigration policy and resolve the health-care crisis.

Coming next week: America in Crisis, Part II: The Liberal Challenge and the Prospects for Socialism

September 08, 2007

How Can We Organize Across National Borders?

by Susan Rosenthal

In "Globalization: Theirs or Ours" (August 25), I stated that free trade and protectionist policies both serve the capitalist class and that working people must unite across national borders to raise their living standards. In response, one reader wrote,

I also believe that if all unions in the world work together we can achieve more, but many countries don't have unions, and in some that do, like my birth country Iran, union leaders get arrested all the time. So, my question is, how can we support unions in other counties?

The answer to that question lies in two basic principles of the labor movement: self-determination (what we wish for ourselves, we want for all) and solidarity (an injury to one is an injury to all).

Self-determination

"What we wish for ourselves, we want for all" means that all people must have the right to determine their own affairs. That includes dealing with their own leaders and governments, however corrupt.

The more the U.S. threatens Iran, the more the Iranian government can silence internal dissidents by claiming they are American agents. To support workers in Iran, Iraq, Venezuela, Cuba, Columbia, Africa, Asia, etc., American workers must oppose any U.S. intervention in those nations for any reason.

In The New Military Humanism: Lessons From Kosovo, Noam Chomsky documents how NATO bombed the former Yugoslavia "in the name of principles and values." The actual goal was to take control of a portion of eastern Europe that was formerly under Russia’s influence.

Imperialism presents itself as humanitarian intervention in order to override domestic opposition to war.

The U.S. invaded Iraq on the pretext of protecting the world from nuclear attack, protecting the Iraqi people from a cruel dictator and establishing democracy. These have all proved to be lies. The majority of Iraqis want U.S. troops out of their country, and the majority of Americans and American soldiers agree. Yet, Washington continues its military occupation because, from the beginning, this has been a war for oil.

It is impossible to support workers in other nations and also support our own government invading or meddling in those nations. Capitalism forces us to choose: be loyal to your nation and betray your class or be loyal to your class and betray your nation. (By "nation," the capitalist class means its own interests, not those of the majority.)

The loyalty of the labor movement is divided. Without the awareness or consent of their members, top executives in the AFL-CIO have helped Washington overthrow democratically-elected governments, prop up anti-union dictators and support right-wing unions against progressive governments. When the AFL-CIO backed the short-lived coup against Venezuela’s democratically-elected President, Hugo Chávez, many rank-and-file workers were outraged. As the South Bay (California) Labor Council protested,

There’s no solidarity when labor becomes a go-between, laundering funds and resources from the Bush administration and passing them to groups abroad. That role is more appropriate for government agents — agents of empire…We believe that international labor solidarity must come from the heart of the workers in one country to the heart of workers in another country — a…reciprocal relationship.

Solidarity actions

My first demonstration was at the U.S. embassy in Toronto in the spring of 1965. It was a solidarity rally, protesting police violence against civil rights demonstrators in Selma, Alabama. I was amazed that a group of predominately White people would stand for hours in a cold rain to defend the rights of Black people in another country.

Mutual aid (solidarity) is basic to human nature. Over 70 percent of Americans think that the government should ensure that no one goes without food, clothing or shelter. More than three-quarters of the billions of dollars raised by U.S. non-profit organizations every year is donated by individuals. In every disaster, 9/11, Katrina, the Asian tsunami, ordinary people rally to provide aid.

Worker solidarity has a special power. In the fall of 2003, thousands of dockworkers shut down ports in Los Angeles in solidarity with striking grocery workers. In Brazil, unionists organized a solidarity campaign against U.S. intervention in Colombia and supported striking Volkswagen workers in South Africa.

As the world becomes more integrated, the need for solidarity grows. An increasing number of goods are now manufactured by Chinese workers, assembled by Mexican workers, sold by American workers and serviced by Indian workers. Although workers are divided by national boundaries, global capitalism is forcing them to unite to defend their common interests.

Building solidarity

United we stand. Divided we fall. The political relationships we build today make possible more effective solidarity actions tomorrow.

American unionists are sponsoring Iraqi unionists to tour the United States. Talking person-to-person about what’s really going on in Iraq helps break through the web of self-serving lies spun by the people in power.

Every year, people from around the globe gather at World Social Forums and demonstrations against the G-8 summits. Last year, I attended a Labor Notes conference in Detroit. The most memorable meeting was the one where union activists from more than 17 different countries met in one room.

Workers from Northern Ireland, Iraq and Palestine shared their experiences of organizing under military occupation. Auto workers from Germany, France and the U.S. exchanged tactics on fighting assembly-line speedups. Despite language barriers, our similarities were overwhelming. After the meeting, people traded names and email addresses with great excitement.

An Irish nurse and I found much in common and began writing to each other. One by one, we have included other health workers in our discussion. There are now six of us, from three different countries, corresponding by email. The challenges we face on the job and in our lives are remarkably similar. We want to build an organization of international health workers.

You might be wondering what six people in three different countries could possibly do. Knowing that you are not alone, that others are struggling with the same rotten system, is essential to staying sane and continuing the fight. That, alone, is priceless. But we want more than that. The relationships we are building today will be the foundation of tomorrow’s solidarity actions.

There is only one world. Economic booms and slumps spill over national borders and ripple around the globe in synchronous waves. Internet technology allows people to communicate from anywhere on the planet in seconds.

To keep us divided, our rulers insist that we are more different than similar. We are discovering that the opposite is true. And in the process, we are beginning to build a very different world based on sharing and cooperation.

For more on this subject read POWER and Powerlessness. Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com

September 01, 2007

Where’s the Justice?

by Susan Rosenthal

In 1959, 14-year-old Steven Truscott was sentenced to hang for the murder of 12-year-old Lynne Harper in a small Ontario town. Although his death sentence was commuted, Truscott spent the next ten years in prison.

Truscott always proclaimed his innocence, yet for the next 48 years prosecutors fought every effort to reopen his case.

In 2000 Julian Sher produced an explosive television documentary exposing a conspiracy to convict Truscott: important witnesses were never called to testify; more likely suspects, including a known pedophile, were never questioned; and important leads were kept from the defense, the judge and the jury. Were prosecutors defending the conviction to cover up that conspiracy?

On August 28, 2007, the Ontario Court of Appeal finally acquitted Truscott of murder, but refused to proclaim him innocent. Doing so would imply that Truscott had been maliciously prosecuted.

Richard Moran studied 124 exonerations of U.S. death row inmates between 1973 and 2007. He found that two-thirds of these convictions resulted from "intentional, willful, malicious prosecutions." He writes in the New York Times,

Mistakes are good-faith errors — like taking the wrong exit off the highway, or dialing the wrong telephone number. There is no malice behind them. However, when officers of the court conspire to convict a defendant of first-degree murder and send him to death row, they are doing much more than making an innocent mistake or error. They are breaking the law.

Kenneth Foster

Kenneth Foster Jr. is a victim of malicious prosecution, condemned to die for the 1996 murder of Michael LaHood. The prosecution acknowledges that Foster did not shoot LaHood or actively participate in the slaying. Foster only drove the car in which LaHood's killer was riding on the night of the murder. Nevertheless, the 1974 "Texas Law of Parties" allows the death penalty to be imposed on anyone involved in a crime where a murder occurs, even if the accused is not involved in the murder or even aware that a murder is intended.

A public campaign to save Foster’s life pressured Texas Governor Rick Perry to commute his death sentence hours before the execution was scheduled to take place. This turnaround is an exception, as Richard Moran explains,

Even when a manifestly innocent man is about to be executed, a prosecutor can be dead set against reopening an old case. Since so many wrongful convictions result from official malicious behavior, prosecutors, policemen, witnesses or even jurors and judges could themselves face jail time for breaking the law in obtaining an unlawful conviction.

The Canadian penal system cannot compare with the extreme barbarism of the American system, yet their goals are the same — to incarcerate as many people as necessary to control the "unruly masses."

In Blaming the Victim (1976), William Ryan notes, "The prisoner is the visible symbol of crime contained – the criminal caged and restrained – to give the unwitting citizen the feeling that the cops and jails are preserving his safety."

Defense attorney Clarence Darrow explains that the misnamed "justice" system has nothing to do with justice. It exists to legalize the crimes of the capitalist class. In Crime and Criminals (1902) he writes,

Those men who own the earth make the laws to protect what they have. They fix up a sort of fence or pen around what they have, and they fix the law so the fellow on the outside cannot get in. The laws are really organized for the men who rule the world. They were never organized or enforced to do justice. We have no system for justice, not the slightest in the world.

Darrow defined a criminal as someone with predatory instincts who has insufficient capital to form a corporation.

Corporations can and do ignore the law. General Electric has been convicted of more than 280 counts of contract fraud, yet not a single GE executive sits in jail. Meanwhile, California’s three-strikes law sends petty thieves to jail for life. Gary Ewing got 25 years for stealing three golf clubs, and Leandro Andrade was sentenced to 50 years for stealing nine children’s videotapes.

The French novelist Balzac observed, "Behind every great fortune there is a crime." Yet, the State defines crime only in ways that target the working class.

If you take pencils home from work, that is considered stealing. If the power company raises its rates every month, that is considered business. In 2006, Las Vegas declared it a crime to feed homeless people in public parks. Failing to provide housing for the homeless, jobs for the jobless, medicine for the sick, and food for the hungry are not considered crimes. Businesses can lawfully withhold life’s essentials from those who cannot pay. Where is the justice in this?

In The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison (2000), Jeffrey Reiman calculates that corporate crimes cost ordinary people more money and cause more deaths than common street crimes. Executives market dangerous products, manufacturers dump toxic chemicals into the environment, and managers plot to destroy jobs and steal pensions.

Unlike many murderers sitting in prison for life, these gentleman bandits, these intelligent, educated men and women who slowly and methodically plan the crimes that wreck the future of untold numbers of people, know exactly what they are doing and who will be hurt. Their crimes of cold, selfish greed reflect, in their own way, even more indifference to life than murder.

The crime of poverty

Those who talk about cracking down on crime never talk about cracking down on the root cause of crime; the capitalist system of organized thievery.

The poorest neighborhoods have similar (high) murder rates, whether they are predominately Black, White or Hispanic. Drug addiction, prostitution, theft, assault and murder are the result of no jobs, no money, no future and no hope.

A 2004 national survey of American cities revealed a direct relationship between unemployment, less education, lower income and serious crime, including robbery, rape and murder. That year, Newton, Massachusetts was rated the safest American city. Camden, Pennsylvania was rated the most dangerous. Why the difference?

Newton’s employment rate was more than five times higher than Camden’s. More than two-thirds of Newton residents had university degrees, compared with only five percent of Camden residents. And the median household income in Newton was more than three times that of Camden’s. The root of crime in Camden is class deprivation. If Camden residents had the same living standards as Newton residents, they would enjoy the same low crime rates.

As the capitalist system sinks deeper into crisis, the greedy people who run society demand more convictions, more prisons, more and faster executions to keep their victims under control. There can never be enough blood to quench their fear of us. Their fear is justified.

We, the majority, have the power to end this criminal social system and create a truly just world. Campaigns to defend the victims of injustice provide a glimpse of that possibility.

For more on this subject, read POWER and Powerlessness, Chapter 10. "Blame the Victim." Available at www.powerandpowerlessness.com

August 25, 2007

Globalization: Theirs or Ours?

by Susan Rosenthal

Earlier this week, U.S. President George W. Bush, Canada’s Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Mexico’s President Felipe Calderón met to plan further integration of their three economies. Thousands of people protest these summit meetings, not because they oppose international cooperation but because they reject policies that benefit the rich and powerful at the expense of everyone else.

Globalization could benefit us all. Telerad is a Singapore-based corporation that analyzes X-rays and  medical scans for hospitals around the world. Currently, it can take weeks to get results from a CAT scan or an MRI. Telerad promises that an image from New York can be analyzed and a report returned in less than half an hour.

This looks like a win-win situation — improving the ability to provide timely treatment at a lower cost — until you consider that higher-priced American labor is being exchanged for lower-priced Asian labor.

Globalization is being structured like automation was, to make the rich richer. By 2000, U.S. workers took half the time to produce all the goods and services they produced in 1973. If the benefits of this rise in productivity had been shared, most Americans could be enjoying a four-hour work day, or a six-month work year, or they could be taking off every other year from work with no loss of pay.

Needless to say, this is not the case. All the benefits of automation went to the capitalist class. By 2000, the average American worker was putting in 199 more hours on the job, five weeks more than in 1973.

Ordinary folks are working harder and longer so the capitalist class can haul in the dough. In the mid-1970’s, average executive compensation was 35 times the average wage. By 1999, the average CEO of a major US corporation was taking home 330 times the average wage and 476 times the average blue-collar wage. By 2004, the portion of the economy going home with workers dropped to the lowest level ever recorded.

Governments and corporations are shaping globalization the same way they shaped automation, to boost profits at workers’ expense.

Divide and profit

Cathleen Wedlake has worked in the newspaper trade for 38 years. She and 30 of her co-workers were laid off when the San Jose Mercury News outsourced their jobs to Asia via Express KCS, an India-based corporation that provides production services for more than 40 newspapers in northern California.

National borders exist to maximize profits. Jobs are allowed to migrate to cheaper locations, while the people who work those jobs are blocked from moving to higher-paying locations.

The same year that the U.S. and Mexico launched their free-trade agreement (NAFTA), the Clinton administration launched